RESEARCH PROBLEM

A combination of economic restructuring and expanding multilateral governance over marine space has resulted in increased conflict over the uses and meanings of lagoons in the Society Islands, French Polynesia. This paper presents data from one component of a larger on-going study which examines the ways in which local gendered conflicts between subsistence and commercial fishing in Moorea and Raiatea relate to regional conflicts over diminishing commercial fisheries. Subsistence fishing which is primarily performed by women in lagoons, provides up to 70 percent of animal protein in the Polynesian diet, yet women's contributions to the economy are not recognized or promoted in current regional development plans. Specifically, this paper investigates the transformations in patterns of women's subsistence fishing on Moorea in the face of a growing tourism economy and the overfishing of local waters by commercial (often male) fishers.

The decline of women's fishing is an excellent and previously ignored reference point to examine economic and environmental change because I hypothesize that it is a measure of a. the degradation of lagoon and reef habitat by runoff from agriculture, overfishing, population growth, and regional/global environmental change; b. the decline in nutrition and health of French Polynesians as subsistence production yields to dependency on preserved imports; and c. the colonization of lagoon space by resort hotels, pearl farms, and yacht and cruise moorings.

This decline in subsistence fishing is coupled with an increased demand for fish from local open ocean fishing grounds, resulting from "Le Pacte de Progres". The local commercial fishing sector is being expanded and modernized, while simultaneously more licenses are being sold to foreign fleets for access to French Polynesia's 200 mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Because "Le Pact de Progres" also targets tourism, more fresh fish is required by the increasing population of tourists and ex-pat employees. These development plans are ironic given that locals can no longer afford the prices for fresh fish in the local markets. Moreover, the southern Pacific is considered a fully-exploited fishing zone, and the waters around French Polynesia are considered a relative "desert" of marine life due to the lack of significant cold currents and upwellings.

In the following, I shall first outline the dimensions of the broader study, explaining the ways in which theories and practices of public participation and GIS are engaged in the project. Then, I shall discuss the historical, geographical, and theoretical framework of the study. Finally, I shall present a narrative on the decline of women's subsistence fishing in Moorea, and its consequences for local and regional food and environmental security.
 

THE BIG PICTURE

While most political-economic studies of rural development ask the so-called "agrarian question", in this paper I will ask the "aquarian question" which considers the fate of peasant fishers in the face of an increasingly capitalized and globalized economy. Two processes of political and economic change are significant to changing local resource politics in French Polynesia: the current development plan "Le Pact de Progres", and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Le Pact de Progres

The nuclear bomb tests in 1995 at the euphemistically named Centre d'Experimentation du Pacifique (CEP) marked the apparent end of France's nuclear testing program, as well as the end of a regional economy which was heavily subsidized by French aid and CEP-related incomes. While some Polynesians participated in violent social movements against the detonations, others questioned the viability of Polynesia's economy without CEP (Keith-Reid and Sullivan 1995:78). In 1993, the government of French Polynesia launched Le Pacte de Progres (The Promise of Progress), a ten-year economic development plan which aims to achieve local economic self-sufficiency based on fishing, agriculture and tourism. It is speculated that by 2003, France will have begun the process of withdrawing the massive subsidies and metropolitan transfers which were necessary to achieve local acquiescence to the 42 nuclear detonations at Moruroa Atoll between 1966 and 1995. Revenues and subsidies from CEP and the French Government have protected French Polynesia from experiencing the pitfalls of capitalist transformations that have occurred in much of the developing world since the 1950s. However, in the wake of the nuclear age, French Polynesia is now faced with relying on local capital, labor, and resources in order to survive in the modern world.

UNCLOS

UNCLOS and related regional fisheries agreements precipitate regional conflict over marine resources because they does not take into account local laws, histories, and small-scale uses and perceptions of the marine environment. Fishing grounds are often the site of local and international conflict because all but two of the world's principal fishing grounds are considered over- or fully-exploited, yet property rights over marine space have been largely undefined until recently. UNCLOS convened for three successive conventions in 1958,1960, and 1973-82. In this time, an increasing number of multilateral agreements and treaties have emerged through overlapping negotiations between states and regional blocs. As a result, much of the world's oceans have been divided, parceled, and claimed. Even in "high seas" (areas beyond EEZs), there are current maneuvers to exert greater national control over straddling and migratory fisheries stocks which originate from coastal and riparian habitats. Ironically, the central principle of UNCLOS has been that nationalization of resources encourages sound management and conservation of ocean resources, yet marine habitats and resources continue to decline.

Smallscale fishers constitute approximately 90 per cent of the world's estimated 15 to 21 million fishers. Although the fishing industry accounts for only one percent of the global economy, around 200 million people derive their incomes from fishing and fish-related industries (Weber, 1994:6). Small scale operations are threatened by the large-scale commercialization of fishing, tourism, and transport. In the commercial fishing industry, there exists twice the amount of capital equipment necessary to harvest and process current fish production, which reached a record 112.3 million metric tons in 1995, up from only 55 million mt in 1970 (FAO). Particularly in the developing countries, small-scale fishers are losing out to the superior technology of commercial fleets and floating storage and processing facilities, whose access to Third World EEZs go unchecked in the absence of high-tech surveillance and enforcement.

GIS provides a useful vehicle for comprehending and mapping the intersections of local and international perceptions of marine use in order to address the failure of multilateral marine governance and the political relationships which underlie it. I raise questions about the gendered and class politics of access to GIS technology, such as who constitutes the data, and for whom natural resource data is analyzed and used (Lake 1993, Pickles 1995, Sheppard 1995). This project also engages debates in the PPGIS forum about the ability of GIS to accommodate multiple epistemologies in terms of assumptions about space and science, representations of the world, and the privileging of certain forms of knowledge (Aitken and Michael 1995, Curry 1994, Rundstrom 1995).

Methods

The fieldwork for this project takes place on the islands of Moorea and Raiatea. These provide a useful comparison because while they are similar in size and population, Moorea is quite developed and Raiatea is relatively un-developed. However, much of the tourism and agricultural development planned for the next ten years will take place on Raiatea. To date, a pilot study has been conducted on the role of women in fishing and tourism in Moorea (discussed below). Further research will commence in 1999, and will include the following methods:

To understand different and conflicting perceptions of marine use, I shall interview approximately 50 fisherwomen on each island, asking questions about where and how often they fish, how their fishing practices have changed over the last decade, and their perceptions of environmental use and conservation. Attendant to these interviews, I will map the locations and frequencies of actual lagoon fishing and marine use by women. I expect the frequency of fishing to fluctuate depending on patterns of environmental degradation, pollution and weather; agricultural cycles; tourism flows; and fish spawning cycles.

To understand competing uses of marine space, it is necessary to map lagoon and coastal use by local and foreign commercial fishers, tourism and aquaculture. I will also map sediment run-off and pollution from agriculture and construction, particularly during the rainy season. In addition, I will conduct interviews with a stratified sample of approximately 20 local male fishermen to contrast gendered perceptions of marine resources and use.

In order to situate French Polynesia's political ecology of fishing into wider economic, political, historical, and environmental patterns, I will collect regional fisheries statistics related to catches, foreign vessel licenses, exports, and local employment. I shall also interview development officers in regards to national perceptions and development plans for French Polynesia's marine resources.
 

SITUATING FRENCH POLYNESIA IN PLACE AND TIME

The island of Moorea is located in the center of the Pacific Ocean among the five archipelagos (118 islands and atolls) which constitute French Polynesia. These islands total 3,543 square km in land area, scattered over 5,030,000 square km of Pacific Ocean. French naval officers first decreed protectorates over Tahiti and Moorea in 1843. In 1880s, France formalized its interest in the Pacific with the Etablissments Fran‡ais d'Oc‚anie (EFO). Polyn‚sie Fran‡aise was established in 1957, and remains a French Territory to this day. Prior to the 1960s, French Polynesia had traded precariously on international markets with meager exports of copra, vanilla, coffee, and phosphate. France gained little more from the Pacific colonial territory than a place to hang its imperial flag. In the early 1960s, the copra and vanilla markets slumped, while the phosphate reserves on Makatea were nearly exhausted (Thompson and Adloff 1971). Then in 1962, France shifted its nuclear test program from the Saharan Desert to French Polynesia, after Algeria gained its independence. This marks a surge in economic development in French Polynesia, particularly in Tahiti and Moorea. An airport and shipping ports were built at Papeete on reclaimed reefs to handle the transfer of people and equipment for the nuclear test sites on the outlying islands of Moruroa and Fangataufa, as well as a support base on Hao Atoll and the headquarters in Papeete. The construction of this infrastructure also opened the gates for tourism to enter the region (Henningham 1992).

The structure of French Polynesia's economy was altered dramatically over the following decade. In 1960, military spending in the area constituted 4 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). By 1966, this figure rose to 76 percent, and leveled out in the 1970s at around 30 percent. Similarly, France's social spending increased to the equivalent of approximately 30 percent of GDP, increasing in the 70s to compensate for the downturn in military spending, and to maintain local acquiescence to the detonation of 42 bombs between 1966 and 1995 (Blanchet 1985:128). The bomb economy encouraged migration to the island of Tahiti, where by 1992, over 70 percent of French Polynesia's population resided (Henningham 1992:130).

As a majority of adults left subsistence activities to participate in the cash economy, the production of local food supplies declined sharply (Robineau 1984). By 1990, French Polynesia imported over 80 percent of its food (Association pour la Developpement et la Promotion des Actions Economiques de la Polyn‚sie Fran‡aise 1989). While tourism has never employed more than 6 percent of French Polynesia's working population (Aldrich 1993), resorts are concentrated in the Society Islands, especially Moorea and Bora Bora, and play a significant role in the archipelago's micro-economy. The development of urban and tourism infrastructure is destroying indigenous ecosystems. An increase in population is elevating pollution levels in both marine and terrestrial ecosystems. The disastrous and far-reaching effects of 42 nuclear detonations in the region have not yet been revealed.
 

GENDER AND ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS

In the history of the penetration of capitalism into the Third World, there is a distinct pattern to the ways in which gender shapes the commoditization of agriculture. Early debates on agrarian change in economic development revolve around the fate of the peasant household in the face of capital's homogenizing effects. While Lenin and other Marxist scholars anticipated the demise of the family farm (Lenin 1967), others argued various reasons for its persistence (Mann and Dickinson 1978, Thorner, et al 1966). Agrarian change in the Third World is typically framed within processes of colonial rule in the first half of the twentieth century, and later by the oil shock and resulting debt crisis and adjustment lending in the 1970s and 80s. Both of these processes promoted the intensification of agricultural production in order to support urban communities of merchants, service employees, and bureaucrats; feed burgeoning populations; and earn foreign currency through exports.

Boserup's seminal work in 1970 was the first to call attention to the significant gender asymmetry which resulted from Third World agricultural development. Her research indicated simply that agricultural development often intensifies the labor of women while detracting from their independence and social status, because state and international agricultural policies are biased toward men. In the last three decades, feminist scholars have produced a wealth of practical and scholarly work in the area of Women in Development (WID), substantiating and expanding Boserup's claims with a multitude of case studies from around the world (Davison 1988, Deere 1976, Signs 1981, Schroeder and Watts 1991). More recent analyses of women in agricultural development turn on post-modern and neo-Marxist concerns with the social construction of gender and women, and the ways in which meaning, discourse and difference are manipulated and exercised in power relationships (Carney 1996, Carney and Watts 1990, Collins 1990, Escobar 1995, McDowell 1993, Mohanty, et al 1991).

The pattern of change in Polynesia's gender division of labor seem to fit the theoretical models. In disagreement with the documents of the earliest (male) European visitors to Polynesia which indicate that women held an inferior position to men in society, feminist scholars of the Pacific Islands argue that before European contact, Polynesian women were valued as social, economic, and political actors (Langevin-Duval 1979, Lockwood 1993, Oliver 1974, Ortner 1981, Thomas 1987). In terms of agricultural production, men and women shared equal responsibility and control over resources and work, often sharing tasks. It is thought that men performed more agricultural work and women performed more artisanal and food processing work. However, through processes of Christian proselytization, European colonial policies, and capitalist social differentiation, the status of Polynesian women has deteriorated.

Axiomatic to these transformations in the status of Polynesian women are the images of Polynesian women created by foreigners. The notions of gender and women in Polynesia are based on quite exoticized, racialized, and politicized "geographical imaginations" about people and places of the Pacific. Three studies aptly analyze and critique these images: First, in an analysis of gender and capitalism in Hawai'i, Buck in her book entitled Paradise Remade, focuses on the ancient Hawaiian arts of hula and chant. She argues that the once sacred practices of hula and chant have been reconfigured by colonialism and tourism into a commodified spectacle. The economic development of Hawai'i's principal industriestourism and the export of tropical produceturn on popular images of dark Polynesian women dancing furtively under the palms (1993). Second, in a study of Bikini Island in Micronesia, Teresia Teaiwa links the history of U.S. military activities on Bikini with the emergence of the bikini bathing suit fashion in the United States. Teaiwa hypothesizes that the eroticized female body distracts from and obscures the violence of colonial occupation and American military presence and nuclear testing (1994). And finally, Margaret Jolly elaborates on these themes in a recent edited collection entitled Sites of Desire, Economies of Pleasure. Jolly attempts a preliminary history of how "eroticism has pervaded European visions of the Pacific (and especially Polynesia)" (1997:100). Beginning with Cook's voyages in the mid 1700s, and ending with the production of the Rodgers and Hammerstein's South Pacific in the 1950s, she emphasizes how the alluring objectification of Polynesian women underlies the "politics of colonialist and masculinist spectatorship" (Ibid:117), which has shaped the present-day tourist economy in the Pacific.

I would like to add a final image of Polynesian women, which is that painted by French expatriate artist Paul Gauguin. Gauguin lived in Polynesia from 1891 until 1893, and then again from 1895 until his death in 1903. Gauguin's depictions of Polynesian women have become universally symbolic of life in the Pacific. The art that Gauguin made in Tahiti most often portrays dark beautiful women in various states of undress. What strikes me most about Gauguin's women is that they are always in repose; either lying, sitting, or playing; fruit and flowers in their hands and hair; looking as though theirs is a life of profound leisure.

It is not enough to merely analyze the biased nature of these images, but rather it is necessary to link these discursive representations to critical issues in contemporary Polynesian society, such as food security and environmental degradation. These are the kinds of images of Polynesian women which are reflected in French Polynesia's Pacte du Progres. The role of women is scarcely mentioned in this far-reaching development plan. Subsistence production is not considered, while exports of fish, pineapples and other tropical produce are emphasized. Plans for the construction of resorts and the expansion of tourism assume that women will be available to work as maids, servers, and performers. Lagoon space is depicted as an un-used resource, available for tourist activities; agricultural run-off; pearl farms; and the disposal of wastes created by resort hotels and tourist populations.
 

GENDER AND SUBSISTENCE IN MOOREA

The decline of women's lagoon fishing in Moorea over the past few decades cannot be quantified because no official statistics are kept, and no studies have been conducted on the topic prior to this one. However, I was informed by everyone whom I spoke to that the numbers of women who fish regularly for subsistence has declined precipitously. The two reasons reason which most people gave were a. the decline of lagoon fish stocks, and b. the necessity of participating in the cash economy; either by working in the tourism industry, helping male relatives with agricultural labor, or performing paid labor in agriculture. I found it almost impossible to identify women who are still engaged exclusively in subsistence production, and therefore I proceeded to compare the household structures, work patterns, and perceptions of lifestyles between 16 women who worked at least partially in subsistence production, and 15 women who worked in the tourism industry.

The typical household structures of the two groups of informants were quite similar, although there was a difference in the average age of the women in each sector. About 88 per cent of all informants were married, the average household consists of 5.5 members, and there are an average of 2.5 income earners in each household. The women in fishing were approximately 17 year on average older than the women in tourism. This suggests the bias of tourism in hiring young women who best advertise the purported allure of Polynesia. It also implies that the future of women's subsistence production is questionable considering the tendency of younger women to choose jobs in the growing tourism industry.

It was widely reported to me that women's jobs in tourism earn extremely low wages, and that there is more money in agriculture and fishing. However, according to my data, women in tourism earn a lightly higher monthly income than subsistence producers (US$ 1,277 compared to US$ 1,199. Compare this to the average monthly wage of a school teacher in French Polynesia at US$ 4,000 which is more aligned with the highly inflated economy). This might be because 69 per cent of the subsistence producers did not feel as though they worked for themselves. When asked what their primary job was, these women claimed not to have a job, but to merely "help" their fathers or husbands in commercial fishing and agriculture, despite the fact that they worked the same full-time work week as women in the tourist industry.

Less than fifteen per cent of all the women in this sample think that life is better today than it was ten years ago. Skyrocketing prices, especially for food, was the main reason cited for the decline. However, high food prices and a declining standard of living were not widely associated with either French occupation, Le Pact de Progres, or tourism. Over twice as many tourist employees than subsistence producers claimed to want the French to stay. Tourism employees felt that the economy was dependent on French occupation and that their jobs would be in jeopardy should the French leave. Subsistence producers, however, felt that their work and incomes would carry on in the absence of the French. Due to the politically controversial nature of French colonialism, 63 per cent of the subsistence fishers declined to answer the question of whether they preferred the French to stay or go. Only 46 per cent of the tourism employees and 23 per cent of the subsistence producers had heard of Le Pacte du Progres. Forty per cent of the tourist employees thought that Le Pact du Progres would be beneficial for Moorea, and none of the subsistence producers thought so. On the other hand, both groups of women were unanimous in feeling that tourism is good for Moorea. In fact, most women felt sorry for tourists for having to pay such high prices for hotels, food, and activities! These results seem to indicate that women in French Polynesia do not widely participate in national political or economic discourses, reflecting their social status in colonial history and their lack of inclusion in current development plans.

To get a sense of the extent to which Mooreans are becoming dependent on food imports, I asked my informants which kind of animal protein they preferred and how often they ate it. All of the subsistence producers preferred fish, but about half of the tourism employees are more fond of imported beef, chicken, or pork. Around half of all the women ate fish more ten years ago than they do today. This was because of the combination of declining subsistence fishing, increased prices, and changing tastes. In a survey of four markets on Moorea, I found that there were sixty-three varieties of meat available. Nine of these were tinned fish, and five were fresh fish. The remainder were all manner of processed, frozen, and fresh pork, veal, beef, and chicken. Storekeepers unanimously reported to me that frozen chicken, tinned fish, and tinned pork were the best-sellers. Mooreans are big fans of baguettes, and the white crusty loaves are baked twice daily and always sell out. Typical Tahitian food is rarely consumed, and the local ingredients for it cannot be found in any of the stores. Some women grow these products in kitchen gardens, but none grow enough to prepare Tahitian dishes regularly.

Fishing and gardening remain preferable occupations for a majority of women. 73 per cent of subsistence producers were satisfied with their work and did not want to change occupations. About 70 per cent of tourism employees, however, wanted to change their occupations and about half of those would prefer to work in fishing, gardening, or agriculture. However, limited job opportunities for women and financial necessity kept women in their tourism jobs. Related to this, over fifty per cent of the subsistent producers recognized environmental degradation in either the marine or terrestrial environment in the past two decades. They cited nuclear testing, over-fishing, the establishment of pineapple plantations, and general pollution as sources of this degradation. These women also felt that environmental decline would undermine both their food production activities in addition to the tourism industry, although none had attempted to correct or protest abuses of the environment. None of the tourism employees, on the other hand, could detect environmental degradation in or around Moorea.
 

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, it appears that economic development in Moorea has precipitated the decline of women's subsistence activities, and a growing dependence on food imports. This is a precarious situation for French Polynesia considering that the mainstays of their developing economytourism and commercial fishing and agricultureare highly vulnerable to both natural disasters and world price fluctuations. The politics of colonial rule and attendant economic development in French Polynesia are controversial, but it seems as though women only partially recognized the connections between the French government, the tourism economy, and economic stability.

I have attempted to show how the historical perception of Polynesian women shapes the ways in which they are (or are not) integrated into contemporary economic and political spheres in French Polynesia, and the implications which this has for subsistence production, local nutrition, and environmental degradation. Colonial images of Polynesian women have left them speechless in local and national matters of politics and economics, as evidenced by their inability or reluctance to discuss these issues. An extensive literature on gender and development in Africa and Latin America underscores the serious peril involved when the role of women in agrarian and environmental change is ignored. Surprisingly, Polynesia's development planners have chosen to disregard the lessons which were learned the hard way in the rest of the developing world.
 

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